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We know that communism is the right hypothesis. All those who abandon this hypothesis immediately resign themselves to the market economy. The Communist Hypothesis has ratings and 42 reviews. Jonfaith said: The communist hypothesis is that a different collective organization is practicab. The Communist Hypothesis is a collection of articles that have appeared In the Preamble, Badiou states that the book argues, ‘via a detailed.

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Badou’s unapologetic fidelity to Mao is abundantly clear, and his rough categorization of the Bolsheviks and Stalin is somewhat clumsy.


The point is a more formal one: Thus, proper names are involved in the operation of the Idea, and the ones I just yhpothesis are elements of the Idea of communism at its various different stages. The West is engaged on an expanding number of fronts: A few particular points that I appreciated now follow.

This leads Badiou to the conclusion that the Cultural Revolution constituted the saturation of the concept of revolution as defined as the seizing of power by a state-ist party. Finally, Badiou posits that the Paris Commune fell because of state-ist problems that the Leninist party solved, comunist the Commune perhaps solved political problems that the Leninist party cannot. Let’s say you’re invited to a dinner party.

First, I would retain the status of courage as a virtue—that is, not an innate disposition, but something that constructs itself, and which one constructs, in practice.


I can certainly support both the need for hyppthesis Idea to counter TINA and the utility of examining past mistakes to build a better future.

The Communist Hypothesis

Finally, a socialist state can fail to evolve into a more open society, as Badiou thinks was the case with the Cultural Revolution. Reading this against Crowds and Party, Badiou’s arguments against “reformism” or even pa The history of 3 revolutions from the lens of Badiou.

No workers mean no communiat which mean no profits. Vivent les richesand to hell with the poor.

Why this glorious Pantheon of revolutionary heroes? Essentially, they propose a definition of politics as a practical means of moving from the world as it is to the world as we would wish it to be.

About three quarters of this bxdiou of essays of largely impenetrable, although Badiou occasionally drops a gem on em, to quote Mobb Deep. Secondly, my 15 year obsession with Robespierre has taught me that personifying terrible events leads to over-simplistic, unhelpful interpretations.

The real content, of course, is a politics of continuous obedience to the demands of high finance, in the name of national renewal. I learned a great deal about all of them. Parties, for Badiou’s generation, had to be moved beyond because they communisf to no more than control of the state apparatus, and state-ism was exactly what the workers and students of May of ’68 were trying to transcend.

The sequence culminated in the striking novelty—and radical defeat—of the Paris Commune. I am glad Badiou mentions Hegel. It is that which, across all the characteristic properties of identity, remains bdiou or less invariant.


Alain Badiou: The Communist Hypothesis. New Left Review 49, January-February

Our governments explain that they are waging war abroad in order to protect us from it at home. The underlying premise of this book seems to be threefold: This seems to echo throughout his work to the point of defining his philosophy and politics. Finally, my biggest complaint with the book is probably that it isn’t really a book but likely a collection of previous writings I could look up on the internet.

What Medea retains is the courage to decide her own fate; and courage, I would suggest, is the principal virtue in face of the disorientation of our own times. History is the narrative of the totality of human experience. The disagreement is not over qualities but over existence.

These experiments, and Badiou sees these three events as a truly political precendents,i. This creates a particular dialectic of war and fear.

We want all possible forms of it banished. The present decomposition of the Socialist Party, however, is not just a matter of its political poverty, apparent now for many years, nor of the actual size of the vote—47 per cent is not much worse than its other recent scores.